Keynote speech by the Tánaiste Simon Harris: A changing Europe – our part in shaping the next evolution of our Union

Keynote Speech by the Tánaiste Simon Harris

“Introduction to the Presidency Conference”

Dublin Castle, 13 February 2025

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Good afternoon,

Ladies and Gentlemen, colleagues from across the Irish public service. Thank you for gathering here today to reflect on our place in Europe and to take forward our preparations for our Presidency of the European Union in 2026.

We are barely six weeks into 2025. Six weeks since the first quarter of the twenty first century came to an end. It is clear that the world today is different. It is clear that the world today is facing tremendous challenges.

Among other geopolitical developments, the new US Administration under President Trump has brought rapid change and a degree of uncertainty. It is easy to feel overwhelmed by these challenges. It is easy – indeed it is fashionable in some quarters – to focus solely on the negative.

I understand that instinct but that’s not what I am going to do because progress depends on seeking the opportunity in all situations.

When I reflect on the opportunities which our Presidency will bring, I am focussed on a basic premise:

Europe is changing and we are part of the change. We are shaping Europe as we always have – our imprint is and will be on the blueprint for the future.

Because Ireland in 2025 is deeply fortunate to be at the heart of the greatest peace project that the world has known. Because Ireland is fortunate to be an integral part of a vibrant single market of more than 450 million people.

And because Ireland is fortunate to be part of an ongoing experiment, which has been a catalyst for social change and inclusion. In short, because Ireland is fortunate to be part of the European Union.

I am more than a decade younger than Ireland’s membership of the European Union. I grew up in an Ireland, which, in parallel, was growing into its European destiny.

In my lifetime, I have witnessed the prosperity, the peace and the deep societal change, which has been fostered through our European trajectory.

But Ireland has never been a passive beneficiary of developments in Brussels. Throughout the last fifty years, we have played an important role in shaping the Union of today.

I spent many hours last year in discussions with leaders in the European Council and I can assure you that there is a clear, shared analysis of the challenges facing Europe and of the need for determined action – on reviving European competitiveness and innovation; on deepening European security; and on protecting European values and European democracy.

Yes, we are in a new world.

Yes, we are in a different world.

And in this world, Ireland has never needed the European Union more.

I think it’s always worth taking a step back and thinking about the alternatives. Where would Ireland be in 2025, if we were not part of the European Union?

We would be poorer.

We would be less secure.

We would be dramatically more vulnerable – economically, socially and politically.

Ireland needs Europe.

However, it’s not a one-way relationship.

Europe also needs Ireland and countries like Ireland. Our contribution to the development of the EU is essential. Our Union’s strength is in the diversity of the different threads from which its tapestry is woven.

Our thread – an island thread – an Atlantic thread – has always left its mark and it continues to do so.

We are contributing to Europe today as we have always done. Our fingerprints are on the Union of today and our imprint on the blueprint for tomorrow.

As Taoiseach last October, I agreed with the then Cabinet on a set of policy parameters for Ireland in the new European institutional cycle. In setting those priorities, we considered the clear challenges, which lay ahead:

• the rapidly changing geopolitical environment and its impact on global trade
• the changed security and defence paradigm in Europe
• the soon to commence negotiations on a European budgetary framework post 2027; and
• the size of the innovation gap between Europe and the US

We considered all of these and the need for Ireland to prepare for them and to respond to them in smart and focussed ways.

But primarily we took advantage of the start of the new cycle in Europe to reflect on the areas where Ireland will seek to proactively shape and take forward our union over the next five years.

What really struck me, considering those priorities is just how diverse they are – how wide the range of areas of activities.

It includes:

• the Union’s hugely impactful development cooperation programmes
• the new Asylum and Migration Pact, which we are now implementing
• our leadership role on work to combat illegal child sexual material online
• our work as an island nation on Ports projects under the Ten-T policy and Connecting Europe Facility
• and the work done on the Medical Device Regulation and the In Vitro Diagnostic Medical Device Regulation

I could go on and on. Within the Programme for Government, indeed, there are more than 100 commitments, which relate to work to be done at EU level.

I have spoken a lot of late about the importance of the EU’s trading relationships especially in the current global environment.

My own department has been expanded to encompass trade in recognition of the priority we are attaching to this area and in light of the policy developments in the USA.

Yesterday, I met with my fellow EU Trade Ministers to discuss the evolving situation. There was a strong consensus amongst us on the need for EU unity and solidarity. We expressed clear support for the Commission’s strategy of engagement with the US in the coming days and weeks and we agreed that we will remain in close contact and work together on a European response. It was encouraging to hear that engagement with the US has started and to know that further meetings are planned. There is a window for negotiation.

I am keenly aware of the perils of further escalation. I believe that it is in our collective interests that we seek to work with the new administration and to highlight the powerful, mutual benefit of the transatlantic relationship.

Let me turn now, to three other core issues on which we are working at the moment: enlargement policy; security and defence; and economic competitiveness.

At its core – the EU is a union of values. And it is a promise. A promise of a better future – built together.

Enlargement policy is one of the most powerful means by which that promise is given real life expression. Ireland is a traditionally strong supporter of enlargement and that support is woven into the Programme for Government. Both now and as we look to our Presidency, I am determined that Ireland will be steadfast in that support.

We believe in an enlargement policy which is merit-based and works hand in glove with partners in accession countries to assist them in preparing for the extremely complex process of joining the EU – a process, which we have to recognise – is dramatically more complex today than it was in the early seventies.

It is for this reason that my department is currently developing a new strategy for Ireland in Western Balkans. That strategy will be launched this summer, when we will also open new missions in Belgrade and Sarajevo – as well as in Chisinau in Moldova.

The strategy will also reinforce the new Fund for Enlargement and European values run by my department. The fund aims to assist the enlargement process through concrete projects and I am delighted to say that the second call for proposals was opened earlier this week.

Ireland is an example of successful enlargement. We are determined to continue to ensure that other countries can also fulfil their potential within the European family.

And it is not just altruistic. The reality is that enlargement is in our clear economic self-interest. Even more – enlargement is also the ultimate security guarantee for Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Security and defence matters. There is no shying away from this.

Russia’s brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine, blatantly violating the UN Charter and international law, has fundamentally changed the geopolitical and security landscape.

As they defend their nation, Ukrainians are also defending our fundamental European and universal freedoms: the rights of all people to live peacefully, within their own borders, without fear of being attacked. And the right to choose their own future.

Since the beginning of Russia’s illegal and unjustified war of aggression, the response of the European Union has been striking in its unity, firmness and determination.

Our collective response has encompassed political, financial, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support for Ukraine.

Ireland has been steadfast in its support for the people and Government of Ukraine, both bilaterally and at EU level. Our support to date has focused on humanitarian and stabilisation assistance, and strong political support, including support for Ukraine’s European perspective. We have committed to providing non-lethal military support for Ukraine through the European Peace Facility.

This solidarity is as important today as it was three years ago, when Russia started this war.

Ukraine will be at the centre of discussions at the Munich Security Conference, which I will be attending this weekend. Together with our EU partners, we have consistently made the case since the full-scale invasion that it is for Ukraine to determine the terms, conditions and timelines for any peace agreement -“nothing about Ukraine, without Ukraine.” It is also true that there should be “nothing about Europe, without Europe”. We need to be clear that a bad deal for Ukraine is a bad deal for all of us.

In the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all EU Member States have examined and re-examined their foreign, security and defence policies. This is also the case for Ireland.

Our commitment to a values-based foreign policy, to multilateralism, and to a policy of military neutrality does not insulate us from the impacts of a rapidly changing and volatile international security environment that has become the new reality across Europe.

We recognise the very real sense of threat felt by many of our fellow Member States. And we must respond to that. It is our duty and our obligation to take our own security, and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners, more seriously than ever.

Domestically, this government is advancing a range of measures to ensure the security of our country and to prepare to meet the challenges of the future. This includes a commitment to deliver a National Security Strategy, as well as Ireland’s first National Maritime Security Strategy.

We are committed to transforming our Defence Forces, including through a significant increase in the defence budget, which will bring it to €1.5 billion, in 2022 prices, by 2028.

The government is also committed to broadening and deepening Ireland’s international security engagement, in areas such as protecting our critical undersea infrastructure or countering cyber and hybrid threats.

As a committed EU Member State, Ireland is determined to actively contribute to the formation of our evolving shared global outreach, and emerging policies and instruments. We do this in line with our national priorities, interests and values.

This is very much what guides our approach to the upcoming Commission White Paper on the Future of European Defence, which seeks to mitigate some of the multitude of threats and challenges that currently face EU security.

Ireland has engaged constructively throughout the consultation process and will continue to do so after its publication next month. Ireland’s key contention is that this must be an EU-led and EU-driven process that provides real value and delivers on capabilities for all Member States. Including those, like us, who are not members of NATO.

As many of you will be aware, the forthcoming White Paper reflects a much stronger focus in the area of Security and Defence within the new Commission and, indeed, throughout the European Union more broadly.

We see this in President von der Leyen’s appointment of the first ever Commissioner for Defence and Space and, separately, in Poland’s prioritisation of security as the core principle of its EU Presidency.

During our own Presidency, security will no doubt remain an overriding concern for the European Union, whether we are talking about economic security, the resilience of our democratic processes and institutions, security in the digital domain, or security against external threats and challenges.

This is a cross-cutting, horizontal issue that touches upon the activities of every department represented here today.

Ireland is more than ready to play that leadership role to strengthen European security in all its dimensions.

Security is essential to the wellbeing of European citizens but so too is prosperity. The reports published in the second half of last year by Enrique Letta and Mario Draghi on the single market and on European competitiveness were milestone documents.

As Taoiseach, I wrote to President von der Leyen in November setting out in detail Ireland’s initial assessment of the reports and the areas, which we believe warrant prioritisation.

Ireland supports the high-level objectives of refocusing the EU agenda on competitiveness, productivity and completion of the Single Market, in order to enhance growth and economic opportunities across the Union.

The Draghi Report offers clear proposals for key sectors, which are vital to our economy, including digital technologies and pharmaceuticals. Expansion and growth of these industries will be crucial for raising overall productivity levels.

We identified, in particular, four areas in which we believe that early progress is essential.

First, revitalising and strengthening the Single Market, particularly in services, through the new Single Market Strategy and through application of rigorous competition policy and robust state aid rules. Together with twelve other Member States Ireland has now also put forward to the Commission a blueprint for how this can be done through a shared non paper submitted in late January.

Second, prioritising an EU wide approach to deployment and investment in grid infrastructure. The impact of Storm Éowyn on Ireland has only underlined the importance of this.

Third, focussing on SMEs and supporting them in scaling up in Europe, which will facilitate them in expanding into global markets. I am determined that, as on the single market, we will work to put forward specific proposals in this area.

And fourth, supporting measures on simplification and reducing the regulatory burden, while maintaining high ambition in terms of environmental protection standards.

President von der Leyen will shortly bring forward a so-called omnibus bill on simplification and we will be keen to work with the President and her colleagues, including Commissioner McGrath in examining these proposals and moving forward with their implementation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Enlargement, Security and Defence, Competitiveness – these are just a snapshot of the areas in which Ireland is making its own – uniquely Irish – contribution to the future of Europe. I could speak about many other topics.

We will, of course, also continue to input to and to shape:

• Europe’s engagement with key partners such as the United States
• the EU’s support for a just and sustainable political settlement to the conflict in the Middle East
• the EU’s growing and necessary engagement with African partners

But irrespective of the problem we are seeking to resolve, the policy challenges we are facing, within the EU, we work – not alone – but with others.

We shape the Union – not alone, but with partners.

This commitment to partnership, to maximising the capacity of our bilateral relationships goes to the core of the Global Ireland project – to which we have recommitted in the Programme for Government.

As we look post-2025, we will be taking forward work on renewing the many strategies put in place under Global Ireland since 2018 – this includes the transformative strategies on Ireland in France and Ireland in Germany.

We will also be looking at countries and regions within Europe where huge untapped potential remains. I am thinking, for example, of the current EU Presidency – Poland.

An incredible country which is home to a very large so-called reverse diaspora. Polish citizens, who have lived and worked in Ireland, who have contributed to the success of our country before returning home. I look forward to exploring how we can best tap into the energy created through these people-to-people links.

At the same time, one of the most successful Global Ireland strategies has revolved around the Nordic region. A region with whom we have an enormous amount in common. This strategy will be renewed and deepened in 2025.

Today, however, I am delighted to already formally announce that the strategy will be expanded to also take in our close partners in the Baltic region – our friends in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

I have asked officials in my department to immediately take forward new efforts to strengthen Irish-Baltic relations. As with Poland, these three countries share meaningful people-to-people relations with Ireland.

I look forward to building further on these relationships – politically, culturally and economically. We will do it from capital to capital – from the Baltic Sea to the Atlantic Ocean – but as always, we will do it within the frame of our common European home.

Together with our partners in Europe, Ireland has also warmly welcomed the reset in the relationship between our British neighbours and the European Union. Prime Minister Starmer, who I was delighted to host here in Dublin last September, met with the European Council last week and I am certainly looking forward to more engagement in the period ahead.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Ireland’s Presidency of the European Union will be an important moment. But it builds on something just as important – the foundation of the Presidency will be our daily contribution to the evolution of the Union.

That contribution is the sum of the work which all of you – and your colleagues not here today – do in working groups and other formats in Brussels and in capitals. It is incremental work. It is work, which rarely gets headlines, which may not always be acknowledged, but you should be so proud of that work.

It matters. And it will matter even more in just over five hundred days on 1 July 2026, when Ireland takes on the Presidency of the Council of the European Union for the eighth time.

We are going to resource and deliver a successful EU Presidency in 2026, because we know it is essential for Ireland’s position, influence and reputation in the EU, and essential to allow us to advance the Union’s agenda against a complex geopolitical background.

We are going to make the most of this rare opportunity. It is an exciting moment. I hope you feel that excitement – that energy – and that you are ready to contribute to the next level of the EU whatever department or agency you work in.

Whatever area of responsibility – policy or operational – falls to you, I promise you that similar opportunities will be few and far between.

Not to create too much pressure but the success of the Presidency rests on your shoulders….

But that’s a good thing.

I have huge respect for your role as public servants and for the contribution, which you will each bring to the table. I promise you that the government will be fully throwing its weight behind you. We are determined to deliver a Presidency, which delivers for Ireland, which delivers for Europe and which delivers for our global partners.

In a changing Europe where we always play our part – the part we play in 2026 is just that bit bigger and the significance of our influence is heightened.

Let’s seize this moment and do something really special – special for Ireland and special for the EU.

Go raibh maith agaibh.