From Department of Foreign Affairs
By: Minister for Foreign Affairs; Micheál Martin
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This morning, Ireland formally recognised the State of Palestine.
It is an occasion of deep significance, not only to Deputies in this House, but to the people of Ireland.
Much thought, analysis and diplomatic effort has informed the timing and context of this decision.
Let me first emphasise that some considerations have never been in any doubt:
Our commitment to international law, and to the full implementation of a two state solution, as outlined in multiple UN Security Council and UN General Assembly resolutions.
Our desire to see the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination vindicated.
Our dream that this, and future generations of Palestinian people, will enjoy a peaceful and secure existence, living side-by-side in peace with their Israeli neighbours.
Our commitment to supporting Palestinian state building and the development of Palestinian institutions, throughout our development cooperation programme.
The deep ties between the Irish and Palestinian people at every level and in every sector of our society.
In this spirit, I know that recognising the State of Palestine has been heard by the Palestinian people as a clear expression of solidarity and I want to join with colleagues in welcoming the Palestinian Head of Mission and soon to be full Ambassador, Dr. Jilan Abdalmajid (AB DAL MA JIID), to the House.
I know that this is a special day for you, and I want to pay tribute to your work on behalf of the Palestinian people.
Many Palestinians have told me that Ireland’s decision has provided hope at what is a very dark time in Palestine - most obviously in Gaza, but also in the West Bank.
It is my firm belief that, in recognising the State of Palestine at this time, the government has also maximised the impact that this step can make, to translate our hopes and aspirations into reality.
Ceann Comhairle,
I will return to the issue of recognition in more detail shortly. Before doing so, it is important to reflect upon the shocking reality in Palestine.
Earlier this month, following weeks of warnings, the World Food Programme indicated that Northern Gaza is now experiencing famine.
Just over a week ago, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court applied for arrest warrants for leaders of Hamas, as well as for the Israeli Prime Minister and Israeli Defence Minister.
Last Friday, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to “immediately halt its military offensive, and any other action in the Rafah Governorate, which may inflict on the Palestinian group in Gaza conditions of life that could bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part”.
The Court characterised recent developments, in particular Israel’s offensive in Rafah, as “exceptionally grave”. It ordered the immediate opening of the Rafah crossing for humanitarian aid, and the facilitation of access by UN investigative bodies.
And yet, we see the horror of the air strikes on Rafah on Sunday, killing dozens of civilians sheltering in a camp for displaced people.
We see an entire population in Gaza, 90% of whom have been displaced at least once, and many multiple times, that is acutely food insecure; unable to access healthcare, education or the most basic of social services.
We see rockets continuing to be launched by Hamas towards Israel, indiscriminately targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, emphasising again that organisation’s utterly malign intentions and role.
Seven months on from the savagery of 7th October, the unimaginable ordeal of Israeli hostages and their families continues. And I want to again restate my utter and unequivocal condemnation of what Hamas did that day.
During my visit to the region in April, I saw first-hand the obstacles and restrictions facing aid entering into Gaza via Rafah.
I also discussed humanitarian access in detail with my Egyptian and Jordanian counterparts.
The challenges they outlined have been compounded further since then; by the Israeli offensive in Rafah, and Hamas rocket attacks, which have disrupted the flow of aid at both the Kerem Shalom and Rafah crossing points;
by repugnant attacks by on aid trucks from Jordan as they drive through Israel, without effective action by the Israeli police;
by the continued lack of a proper de-confliction system inside Gaza.
Universally, partners have urged Israel not to proceed with its offensive in Rafah and to ensure full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access in Gaza.
Israel has chosen to disregard these calls but it cannot choose to disregard the orders from the International Court of Justice.
These are legally binding.
They must be complied with.
We discussed all of this at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels yesterday, following an excellent and informative meeting between EU and Arab Foreign Ministers.
We agreed to convene an urgent meeting of the EU-Israel Association Council, in the context of our grave concerns in respect of Israel’s adherence to the human rights clauses in the Association Agreement, and particularly in the context of the ICJ provisional orders.
It is no secret that Ireland has been pushing the EU to act more decisively and at an earlier stage.
We will continue to do so. But I am encouraged that we are now beginning to see a clear view emerging amongst Member States that it is simply not credible that the EU-Israel relationship can remain entirely unaffected by the behaviour of this Israeli government.
Ceann Comhairle,
As this House is aware, the government has had longstanding commitment to recognise the State of Palestine.
We committed to doing so as part of a lasting settlement of the conflict, or in advance of that, if doing so would progress efforts to reach a two-State solution or protect the integrity of Palestinian territory.
The government set out its reasoning for doing so at this moment in time when we announced this step, alongside Norway and Spain, last week.
I believe it is also important that these reasons are also put on the record of this House.
Our recognition of the State of Palestine has three fundamental purposes.
First, it makes clear our view that it is time Palestine takes its full place amongst the nations of the world; that its right to self-determination, self-governance and territorial integrity and sovereignty must now be vindicated.
As the UN General Assembly agreed earlier this month, Palestine is ready to take on all the rights and obligations of a State, under the UN Charter.
Second, it is an expression of our belief in the equal right to self-determination, peace, security and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians alike. The aspirations of both peoples must be afforded equal legitimacy, based on a two-State solution that delivers a just and sustainable peace.
Third, it is a reiteration of our fundamental conviction that the only just and sustainable peaceful solution, for both Palestinians and Israelis, is the implementation of that two-State solution, ending the Israeli occupation of Palestine and resulting in a viable, contiguous Palestinian State in the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem, based on the 1967 borders.
The policies and actions of successive Israeli governments – in particular the current government – have seriously undermined the prospects of a two-State solution and the viability of a Palestinian State. Prime Minister Netanyahu has publicly rejected even the concept of a Palestinian State.
The urgency of protecting the integrity of Palestinian territory has reached a point that our efforts to do so through the legal and policy avenues we have used to date were no longer sufficient.
In particular, this is the result of the sustained Israeli assault on Gaza, specifically on the civilian population and civilian infrastructure, as well as the denial of sufficient humanitarian aid over a sustained period of time.
There has also been a significant increase of violence, displacement and annexation in the West Bank.
In parallel, there have been renewed international efforts, in particular by Arab partners, to develop a clear pathway to implement a two-state solution.
Not to talk about it, not to repeat our commitment to it - to implement it.
I and my officials have spent the last few months in constant contact with partners in the region, particularly Egypt and Jordan, as they have developed an ‘Arab Peace Vision’.
This document prioritises concrete steps to end the brutal war in Gaza and to take concrete, irreversible steps to build a Palestinian state.
The Arab Peace Vision recognises that any final settlement will of course need direct negotiations between the parties - we all agree on that.
But importantly, it starts from the premise that no one - not this Israeli government, not any government - can have a veto on the building of a Palestinian state. Israel does not get a veto on whether Palestine exists or not.
I have spent the last few days in Brussels, undertaking intensive discussions with partners.
On Sunday, I attended a meeting convened by Norway and Saudi Arabia, bringing together over forty partners from across Europe, the Middle East and elsewhere with a focus on tangible steps towards implementing the two-State solution.
Arab partners set out the core principles underlying the Arab Peace Vision.
The new Palestinian Prime Minister spoke about the dire resourcing situation that the Palestinian Authority are facing and the need for early and comprehensive support for their service delivery and reform efforts.
Six of the Arab Foreign Ministers then attended the FAC yesterday and presented their thinking in more detail. The EU unanimously agreed to work with the Arab Contact Group on their Peace Vision - to add our ideas about how it can be implemented, and suggest practical steps that European countries can take to be part of that process.
It is notable that the very first ask that the Arab Peace Vision has of European states - the top priority for our Arab partners - is that all European countries recognise Palestine.
As many of you know, this is the political framework within which Ireland, along with Spain, Norway and others have been discussing the issue of recognition over the last few months.
It has long been my view that recognising Palestine would be most impactful if done in a coordinated manner with other partners.
That we have taken the decision to recognise the State of Palestine together with Norway and Spain - and in the wider context of a regional peace initiative - is important.
I am confident that there is a growing consensus among likeminded partners that Palestinian statehood can no longer wait until the end of a process of final settlement negotiations between the parties.
I anticipate that other European partners may decide to recognise Palestine in the coming weeks and months.
Ceann Comhairle,
The challenge now is to maintain this momentum. We need a fundamental paradigm shift in the way all of us in the international community view the solution to this conflict. We need urgency and we need concrete steps.
We have said many times that an immediate ceasefire, the unconditional release of hostages and full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access are essential.
That remains essential and we will not rest until we have achieved this.
Simultaneously, it is urgent that we support the Palestinian Authority. I spoke in some detail to the new Palestinian Prime Minister, Mohammed Mustafa, in Brussels on Sunday night.
He highlighted a number of immediate priorities, which I brought to the Foreign Affairs Council yesterday.
I asked that the EU increase pressure on Israel to release the tax revenues it is withholding from the Palestinian Authority but also that the EU Commission release pending funds immediately, as well as putting in place an ambitious and comprehensive package of support for 2024 and beyond.
I asked the EU High Representative to invite Prime Minister Mustafa to present his reform programme in detail to the June Foreign Affairs Council.
Our own bilateral development cooperation programme with Palestine will of course continue and intensify, alongside our humanitarian support for the immediate basic needs for the population in Gaza.
We also need to move quickly to get the former EU border assistance mission at the Rafah crossing operational again.
The EU can play a constructive role in maintaining the vital life line for goods and people between Egypt and Gaza open.
With Spain and Norway and Arab Partners, we will also continue to build momentum behind the Arab Peace Vision. We will encourage others to recognise the State of Palestine, and we will work to build support for a comprehensive effort to bring an end to this conflict.
We will continue to push in New York for full UN membership for Palestine.
And we will continue to hold this Israeli government accountable.
We have already committed to intervene in the South Africa versus Israel case under the Genocide Convention at the ICJ. As we work on our intervention, our most immediate focus will be ensuring compliance by Israel with the provisional orders issued last week.
Getting agreement at EU level to convene a meeting of the EU-Israel Association Agreement in this context is an important step in doing so. We will step up our support for the vital work of the ICC, even as the Prosecutor and his staff are threatened with sanctions.
Ceann Comhairle,
Let me briefly address the Israeli reaction to the decision taken by Ireland, Spain and Norway.
In our private engagement with Israel, as well as in our public communication, we have been clear in setting out the thinking and motivation behind our decision to recognise Palestine.
We support the right of the State of Palestine to exist, and the right of the Palestinian people to peaceful self-determination just as we, without question, support the right of the State of Israel to exist and the right of the Israeli people to peaceful self-determination.
We understand that this Israeli government disagrees with our decision. That is their right, as it is their right to inform us of their view, forthrightly and robustly, through diplomatic channels. We have no problem with that.
However, the time and manner in which this was done was unacceptable.
I have made clear that the treatment of our Ambassador in Tel Aviv and her Spanish and Norwegian counterparts, fell far short of what we would expect from any country, irrespective of our political differences.
I have and will continue to treat Israel’s Ambassador to Ireland with professional courtesy and respect. I expect the same in return.
We wish to maintain functional diplomatic engagement and dialogue with Israel.
Diplomacy comes into its own at times of intense disagreement between States. Imposing limitations on the Ireland-Israel diplomatic relationship would make no sense, and we do not intend to do so.
In my view, it would be a self-defeating mistake were the Israeli government to decide to do so.
I also want to emphasise in the House today what I stated clearly last week.
Israeli and Palestinian citizens alike are a valued and cherished part of our society here in Ireland, and I challenge and reject anyone who would seek to delegitimise either’s history, culture, or beliefs.
I also unambiguously reject those, in Palestine, in Israel and around the world, who call for the entirety of the land between the Mediterranean Sea and the River Jordan to be a mono-ethnic state, based either on forcible exile or subjugation.
These are messages that I wish to convey clearly to the Israeli and Jewish communities here in Ireland, and I will be doing so personally in the very near future.
Ceann Comhairle,
There is much work ahead.
Through both multilateral and bilateral engagement.
Through continued advocacy and diplomacy.
Through building and reinforcing our friendship with the Israeli and Palestinian people alike.
This Irish Government’s commitment will remain unwavering, grounded in the resolute belief that we can, together, realise the aim that is overwhelmingly endorsed by the international community; a two-state solution based on 1967 borders, with the State of Israel, and an independent, democratic, contiguous, sovereign, and viable State of Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security and mutual recognition, with Jerusalem serving as the future capital of both states.
This may sound like an impossible aspiration.
But there is no other just and sustainable option.
We refuse to accept that the only future for Palestinians is one of dispossession and occupation and displacement and brutality.
We refuse to believe that the only future for the Israeli and Palestinian people is a future of hatred, conflict, and death.
We cannot accept that,
and we will not accept that.
Go raibh míle maith agaibh.