Le: Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha; Micheál Martin
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President Yang, distinguished professors, faculty and students, thank you for the invitation to address you today.
I last visited your University in 2010, when I was also serving as Ireland’s Foreign Minister. It is an honour for me to return and to have this opportunity to speak to you.
Beijing Foreign Services University is renowned for its excellence in the study of foreign relations, culture, and language learning.
It has made a remarkable contribution to the development of modern China and to building China’s relations with other countries, cultures and peoples.
It is also an institution that holds particular significance for Ireland.
The Irish language is one of the 101 languages that are taught here - a truly extraordinary figure. I am very encouraged by the number of students in China who choose to study our native language.
I am also heartened by the University’s long tradition of Irish Studies, in particular of Irish literature. Many celebrated Irish writers have visited, to discuss their work, and to exchange ideas and analysis. Since its inception in 2007, the Irish Studies Centre in BFSU has been at the forefront of promoting awareness of Ireland in China. It has been central in developing and strengthening the warm people-to-people relationships between our countries. I hope will continue to do so for many decades hence.
In that context, I wish to recognise the outstanding work of Professors Wang Zhanpeng and Chen Li, without whom the success of the Centre would not have been possible.
Their remarkable contribution to the field of Irish Studies is deeply valued and appreciated.
I am so pleased their efforts have been officially recognised, through the granting of a Presidential Distinguished Service Award. The Award was presented to them last year by the President of Ireland, Michael D. Higgins.
I would like to thank President Yang, Professor Wang , Professor Chen, and all of the faculty of the Irish Studies Centre, for their continued commitment to Ireland. Through Ambassador Ann Derwin, and our Embassy in Beijing, we will remain a strong supporter of the Centre.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Ireland is committed to growing our relationships in the Asia Pacific. We recognise that this dynamic region is at the forefront of global economic growth and innovation. The countries in this region have an essential role in addressing global challenges, most notably that of climate change, and in ensuring peace and security.
Last month, I launched Ireland’s updated Asia Pacific Strategy. The Strategy reaffirms our commitment to deepened engagement and sets out the parameters for how we want to grow our connections and strengthen our partnerships. We see the Ireland-China relationship as situated within the broader network of our relationships across the region. The areas of focus in that relationship reflect our areas of focus more broadly - across the region and globally.
People to people relationships are at the heart of this Strategy. During my visit to Beijing and Shanghai this week, I’ll be meeting some of the Irish and Chinese people that have dedicated their energies and talent to creating enduring relationships between our countries – in research and academia, in culture, in sport and in trade and investment.
I want to acknowledge their efforts. The connections that they have built were vital in keeping us together during the very tough years of the COVID-19 pandemic. The resilience of those threads have ensured continuity in our connection.
I am deeply committed to maintaining and growing these mutually beneficial ties, to deepen our understanding of one another, to develop sustainable prosperous societies, and to find common ground in addressing global challenges.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I am in China at the invitation of Foreign Minister Wang Yi. Yesterday we met for a number of hours. We reviewed the relationship between Ireland and China, and discussed the EU’s multi-layered partnership with China. We spent considerable time talking about the challenging global security landscape. I also had the opportunity to speak with Vice President Han Zheng and Minister Liu Jianchao.
We found much to agree on. We also discussed issues where our views differ. Our dialogue was informative and constructive.
When I first visited this university in 2010, I spoke about Ireland’s commitment to the rules based international order and the multilateral system that underpins it.
That commitment remains at the core of Ireland’s foreign policy approach.
It is the starting point for our engagement with all our external partners, including China.
The multilateral system, with the United Nations Charter at its heart, remains our strongest protection and our most important collective global security asset.
It provides us with the legitimate tools to address conflict, and to find ways to overcome the multiplicity of challenges we now face – whether that be the climate crisis, ending hunger and poverty, or ensuring accountability for violations of international law.
It is a system that protects all States equally; large or small, militarily powerful or not; wealthy or impoverished.
Ladies and Gentlemen, any transgression weakens the very system on which we all rely for the protection of our security, our interests and our values.
18 months ago, Russia launched a full scale illegal invasion of Ukraine, in clear violation of the UN Charter.
The violence unleashed by Russia has brought unimaginable pain to the people of Ukraine. It has resulted in significant civilian casualties, mass displacement of people, the abduction of children, wanton destruction of civilian infrastructure, and the endangerment of nuclear facilities.
Russia has also weaponised food and energy supplies, with serious and ongoing consequences, including for the poorest people on earth.
These actions represent gross violations of international law. They cannot go unchallenged.
The vast majority of UN Member States, through successive resolutions of the UN General Assembly, have made clear their demand that Russia unconditionally withdraw its military forces from within Ukraine’s internationally recognised borders, and immediately cease hostilities.
Since the Russian invasion, Ireland and our EU partners have supported Ukraine to exercise its right of self-defence under the UN Charter. For Ireland, that has meant providing humanitarian funding, supporting Ukraine’s candidacy for membership of the EU, funding non-lethal supplies and equipment for the Ukrainian Armed Forces through the European Peace Facility, and hosting Ukrainian refugees in Ireland.
We currently have almost 100,000 Ukrainian refugees in Ireland, all of whom have arrived in the last 18 months, the majority of whom are women and children.
This is almost 2% of our population; the equivalent for China of 28 million people.
Ireland will continue to seek accountability for Russia’s actions. The International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court are two key cornerstones of the international multilateral system.
Their purpose is precisely to ensure the independent and impartial application of international law.
We fully support their work, not only in the case of Ukraine but in all cases and situations before them.
When I met with Foreign Minister Wang Yi yesterday, I conveyed Ireland’s view that China’s close partnership with Russia gives it considerable potential influence. Ireland, and the EU, have made no secret of our desire to see China bring that influence to bear to help to end Russia’s war in Ukraine, and to uphold the principles of the Charter.
Ireland worked alongside China for two years during our term as an elected member of the Security Council in 2021 and 2022. Our engagement was open and constructive. We learnt a lot from China’s diplomacy and its approach to its role as a permanent member of the Council.
Ireland ran for a seat as an elected member of the Council because we took tremendously seriously the duty of all UN Member States to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security; the core mandate of the Security Council.
We also believe that all of the five permanent members of the Council - the five nuclear weapons states – have a particular responsibility to defend and promote the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
We look to them – all UN Members look to them - to uphold the multilateral system which we have collectively created.
Ladies and Gentlemen, almost exactly one month ago, Hamas launched a brutal terrorist attack in Israel, purposely targeting civilians. Over 1400 were killed and over 230 taken hostage. Both Irish and Chinese citizens were amongst the victims.
The horror of those attacks remains with us. Our thoughts are with the families of those who have lost loved ones in terrible circumstances, and those whose family members remain as hostages in Gaza. The immediate and unconditional release of hostages must be a priority for all of us.
Ireland rejects unequivocally those who advocate for violence as a means to resolve the conflict in the Middle East. The brutal criminality of Hamas and their utter disregard for human life, including the lives of their fellow Palestinians, is clear to all.
Ireland believes that Israel has the right to self-defence. But this right must be exercised in line with international humanitarian law.
The UN Secretary-General has made it very clear; even wars have rules. International humanitarian law exists for a reason.
Its overarching aim is to protect civilians. That means all civilians, everywhere. It is not optional, it is obligatory; and it covers state actors and non-state actors alike.
Israelis and Palestinians deserve to live in peace, security and dignity. Palestinian aspirations for statehood and sovereignty are absolutely legitimate and must be taken forward.
Like Ireland, China is committed to a two state solution - and in my discussions with my Chinese counterparts, we agreed to work together in pursuit of this aim.
That aspiration – two states living side by side in peace – may seem further away than ever. But we all need to do whatever we can to support the moderate voices on both sides of the conflict.
I am thinking in particular of the civil society organisations in Israel and Palestine, who have worked for years to advance the cause of peace. I met many of them during my recent visit to Israel, Palestine and Jordan, which took place just four weeks before the horrifying events of 7 October.
Their perseverance and bravery in pursuit of reconciliation, their commitment to peace and human dignity in the face of atrocity and loss is extraordinary. It is a lesson to us all. Their voices must be heard, and must be amplified, in the coming weeks and months.
Ladies and Gentlemen, in June, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted a resolution by consensus recognising the unique importance of civil society. That resolution was brought forward by Ireland and co-sponsored by countries from across the globe.
The resolution urges States to acknowledge the important contribution of civil society, including grass-roots organizations, human rights defenders, journalists and media workers, to the promotion of human rights.
It calls on them to ensure that legislation, policies and practices do not undermine the capacity of civil society to operate, free from hindrance and insecurity.
And it reaffirms the view of the Council that a safe and enabling environment for civil society assists States in fulfilling their existing international human rights obligations and commitments.
To my mind, that last point is particularly important – a vibrant civil society enables, not hinders, States in meeting meet their international obligations.
This has certainly been our experience in Ireland. Civil society has played a central part in creating a fairer society, in driving sustainable development, promoting gender equality, and supporting the rights of minorities.
Civil society also played an extraordinary role in resolving the conflict in Northern Ireland, and remains at the core of efforts to embed peace and reconciliation across the island of Ireland.
This experience informs our view that States should defend and promote civil society participation.
Of course, that is not always straightforward. Governments and civil society groups often disagree on how the universal human rights that we have all agreed to at a global level should be interpreted and implemented at national level.
Those disagreements are natural.
Indeed, in my experience of forty years in national and international political life, such disagreements are healthy and constructive.
They allow for policy debate and analysis; they bring new ideas to the table; they ensure that citizens feel connected to, and listened to, by their governments.
This month China was elected again to the UN Human Rights Council, one of 47 UN member states that make up this important body.
I spoke earlier of the importance that Ireland attaches to the global multilateral system, of which the UN Human Rights Council is a core part. We greatly value its work in seeking to strengthen human rights frameworks and address human rights violations. We rely on its members to promote and defend that work, guided by the international legal framework which underpins it.
That is why Ireland is seeking to serve a second term on the Council from 2027. We hope that China, and indeed all our partners, will support our candidacy.
This year also marks the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human rights which recognises the equal right of all to live in dignity; to have their human rights and fundamental freedoms respected.
I can think of no better time to recommit ourselves to the principles of universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence of human rights.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I want now to talk about how Ireland and our EU partners see our relationship with China. The last six months have seen many visits by European political leaders to China.
My colleagues, the Minister for Environment, Climate, and Communications and the Minister for Agriculture have both visited this year. In the last two months alone, five EU Commissioners have come to Beijing to meet their counterparts.
Many have taken time to visit this and other Universities, to discuss our relationship with China, and to reflect on the ties that bind us together.
These visits, coming after three years where we did not see each other in person, are very welcome. They are a clear demonstration of the EU’s commitment to a constructive and stable relationship with China.
The EU – and Ireland - recognises the centrality of China in addressing global challenges. Whether on global health, on climate change, or on the delivery of the Sustainable Development Goals, China is a key partner.
COP28 begins at the end of this month in Dubai. I know that the eyes of the world - and in particular the attention of young people, like all of you in this room - will be on your political leaders.
The future belongs to your generation, and it is incumbent on us that we do not let you down.
We have been impressed by the rapid development of clean technologies in China, which is benefitting many other countries in their transition to renewables. We welcome these innovations, while continuing to ask China to step up to a leadership role on other aspects of climate action, including reducing its fossil fuel use and phasing out coal.
And as we make these asks of China, we will continue to ask the hard questions of ourselves, and whether we are meeting our own targets.
Progress on meeting global challenges also relies on continued, sustainable economic growth. China remains an important trading partner for Ireland. Our economic relationship has greatly expanded, reaching €34.5 billion in two-way trade in 2021. Investment, in both directions, has brought benefits to both our countries.
Yesterday I met Irish and Chinese people working to enhance trade and investment between our two countries. I told them that Ireland will continue to support many of our businesses in their engagement with China, and will work with the Chinese companies established in Ireland to create jobs and build prosperity.
This is not in doubt. Ireland has no intention of pursuing economic decoupling from China – this is clearly not in our interests. Nor does it reflect our long held commitment to an open and fair global trading system.
Ireland’s economy is one of the most open in the world; we export approximately 90% of what we produce and our approach is anchored in global trading norms.
In our discussions with China, we will continue to press for a level playing field for trade and investment; we believe in fair market competition and ask for reciprocity. We believe that transparency offers the best path to growing prosperity in China and in Europe.
We have also seen the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on our supply chains. And we have been deeply impacted by the economic ramifications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
All of this taken together means that we are clear on the need to assess where our economies are vulnerable, now and into the future. We see the consequences of a more contested world and have a duty to increase our resilience.
We have a responsibility to shore up our economic security, and to protect our citizens from economic turmoil. China has been effective at doing this for its citizens and we will do likewise. We want our companies to trade and invest in business environments that are transparent, equitable, and based on mutually agreed parameters.
These are principles that every State prioritises when developing economic policy; Ireland, our EU partners and China alike.
China and the EU will not always agree. We often take very different approaches; on economic policy, on political issues, on resolving global challenges. Our interests and our values will sometimes differ.
But Ireland is clear that this should not stop us from engaging, from looking for common ground.
And, as I said earlier, we are convinced that the common ground we seek will be found within the global multilateral system and its bodies and fora; the UN Security Council, the General Assembly, the Human Rights Council.
It will be built on the interlocking web of Treaties, of norms, of resolutions, of international jurisprudence, of political declarations, and of agreed conclusions which has been developed to underpin our shared global order.
Its foundations are deep and reflect the universal values that transcend nationality, ethnicity or religion and that make up our common humanity.
It is from this foundation that our relationship with China – indeed, our relationships with all our partners in this interconnected world – will continue to be built.
Ladies and Gentlemen, it has been a privilege to share with you some of the principles that underpin Irish foreign policy.
I hope that my words might encourage you to consider further study – perhaps under the auspices of the Centre for Irish Studies here at Beijing Foreign Services University!
I look forward to your comments and your questions.
ENDS