Le: Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha; Micheál Martin
Foilsithe
An t-eolas is déanaí
Teanga: Níl leagan Gaeilge den mhír seo ar fáil.
Dáil debate on the political situation in Northern Ireland, 14 February 2024
Check against delivery
Ceann Comhairle,
Two weeks ago, on 1 February, we celebrated Brigid’s Day, long recognised in Ireland as signalling the beginning of Spring.
As the poet Raffetry wrote, describing the change of the seasons:
“Anois teacht an Earraigh, beidh an lá dúl chun shíneadh,
Is tar eis na féil Bríde ardóigh mé mo sheol.”
After St Brigid’s Day, I will set my course….
On 3 February, Northern Ireland set a fresh course. Those who were elected in May 2022 took their seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly, and the mandate given by that election was finally respected.
I would like to offer my congratulations to Michelle O’Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly, and their families, as they take up the roles of First Minister and deputy First Minister, to Edwin Poots on assuming his role as Speaker, and to all the other members of the Executive.
The immediate task of the new Executive is to set out the policies and priorities that can drive Northern Ireland forward. I look forward to working with them all in what will be rewarding and challenging roles.
I also wish Matthew O’Toole well, in his role as leader of the Opposition in the Assembly.
The return of Northern Ireland’s political institutions – and by extension, the return to full operation of the North South Ministerial Council - was a necessary, and frankly, overdue step forward.
People from across politics and civil society, from all communities, from across these islands and indeed much farther afield, have rightly welcomed the restoration of the Assembly and Executive. However, it is a matter of regret that it took so long to get here.
Opportunities have been missed.
Relationships must now be repaired.
The absence of functioning political institutions has had real effects on peoples’ lives. In my visits to Northern Ireland over the past two years, I have heard directly the frustration at the lack of local ministers in office as people deal with multiple crises: education and health systems operating under enormous pressures, cost of living challenges, public pay disputes.
These are important issues requiring difficult and delicate choices, best made by local leadership who understand the trade-offs required.
Ceann Comhairle,
Leadership will also be required – inside and outside the Executive – to address the risk of a growing disillusionment with politics that has emerged with the various suspensions of Government in Northern Ireland, most recently since the May 2022 elections.
While perhaps understandable, it is corrosive and counterproductive, and all elected representatives have both the duty and a vested interest in working to counter it.
In that context, I am heartened by the conversations I have had with MLAs from all political backgrounds who are eager to serve their constituents, inject momentum into civic life and rebuild a sense of hope in the future.
I welcome that MLAs who were elected for the first time in 2022 will now get the opportunity to do what all of us here do – represent their constituents, raise their concerns in their Assembly, and advocate for their local communities.
The vast majority of those elected to serve in the Assembly recognise the need for functioning politics to find long-term sustainable solutions that can deliver a Northern Ireland that works.
They understand the need for devolved Government that is prepared to, and ready to, adapt and change to meet the many and complex challenges of the coming decades.
And I believe that they also recognise that stop-start government has held Northern Ireland back.
A question which is being asked frequently, and with increasing urgency, is what work is required to ensure that the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement are on the most sustainable possible footing.
Some parties have presented detailed visions for the reform needed. Others reason that a much more restrained approach is required. Few would argue that the institutions have operated as effectively as we might have hoped.
Clearly, respect for the fundamental protections and balances achieved in the Good Friday Agreement must be at the heart of conversations going forward. But equally clearly, structural change is needed.
The people of Northern Ireland should not be expected to tolerate further cycles of instability and suspension of the institutions.
As a co-guarantor of the Agreement, this government has a duty to protect the delicate balance of the Good Friday Agreement. But we also have a duty to ensure that the institutions operate as effectively as possible.
I have said consistently that there must be room for the Northern Ireland parties and the British and Irish Governments to look together at the institutions to ensure that they work for the Northern Ireland of today. The Agreement itself provides for this.
It is my view that the realities of today are not those of 1998 and that the time has come for reform.
I know that this is a complex and sensitive matter, with different opinions around the table. But we simply need to find a way to end the cycle of instability, suspension and political torpor.
Strong partnership between parties in Northern Ireland, and the Irish and British Governments, with respect for the fundamental principles of parity of esteem and rigorous impartiality, will be as crucial to any future arrangements as it has been to the crafting and operation of today’s institutions across all the Strands of the Agreement.
The consolidation of peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland remains an ongoing journey. This restoration of the Executive represents another important milestone on that journey.
I do not underestimate the work it took to get here. I would like to acknowledge the leadership shown by Jeffrey Donaldson in bringing his party back to the devolved institutions, and equally, I want to pay tribute to the forbearance shown by other political parties in allowing time and space, even as public services came under enormous pressure.
This government also exercised considerable patience during this period, as the DUP negotiated directly with the British Government to come to an agreement which would allow them to return to the Executive.
The path that brought us here raises potentially troubling issues. I have listened carefully to the criticism from Northern Ireland’s party leaders of their exclusion from discussions between the DUP and the British Government, including on issues that affect all communities. I empathise with them.
Because when politics in Northern Ireland has worked best, it has been based on an inclusive approach involving all parties and the two governments as guarantors working in partnership.
Anything else risks introducing a seed of future instability. Excluding those with a legitimate interest narrows the perspectives that shape solutions with which we all have to live. This increases the risk of unintended consequences, of setting poorly thought through precedents.
As guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the two governments committed to the principle of parity of esteem not just as something that should be at the heart of politics within Northern Ireland, but that should be at the heart of how we as governments engage with the people and parties of Northern Ireland, and how we engage with each other.
We committed to the principle of consent, which respects the right of everyone to pursue the constitutional future of their choosing through democratic and peaceful means.
And in the Agreement we also committed the sovereign power to “rigorous impartiality”, founded on rights.
The Agreement’s principles are woven together in a delicate balance, which strengthen and reinforce one another. As co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the British and Irish Governments have a solemn duty to uphold these principles, and to act in accordance with them.
A Cheann Comhairle,
We remain attached to these principles which are essential to the vital and painstaking work of reconciliation. There is much work yet to be done to fulfil the Agreement’s vision, but it is clear that the only way to achieve this is by respecting and upholding its values.
Cooperation, East-West and North-South, is essential to achieving this and is essential to maximising the opportunities facing this island. With this in mind, I am very much looking forward to the NSMC returning after more than two years in abeyance.
The revival of regular NSMC meetings means that this government and the Executive will be able to continue to have the important conversations necessary to address shared challenges and to grasp opportunities.
We want to engage constructively with our new colleagues and to assist and to work together in areas where North South cooperation makes a positive difference.
The peace process has been transformative for the All-Island Economy. The significant growth in trade represents a major divided of the peace process. In 2022, total cross-border trade in goods and services was worth an estimated €11.6 billion, which is an almost threefold increase since 1998.
The benefits of North South trade permeate all parts of the all-island economy, but it is of particular significance to the SME sector. For many SMEs, North South trade provides a valuable opportunity to take their first steps into new markets. The cohesive all-island economy serves as an essential incubator for innovation, taking home-grown SMEs and supporting their development into global exporters.
The agri-food sector is a major driver of the all-island economy, with the meat and dairy industries especially involved in cross-border processing and supply chains. Dairy industry products – which have an export value of over €6.5 billion – move North and South several times during processing. The meat industry is similarly integrated. In the drinks industry, Irish Whiskey is a protected Geographical Indication worth over €1 billion to the all-island economy.
Our success in these areas should push us to do much more together, to fully realise our shared island’s economic potential. That is partly why the frictionless flow of trade on this island was so important throughout the process of Brexit, because it is of real value to people and communities on both sides of the border.
This North South East West flow is preserved through the Windsor Framework, which recognises Northern Ireland’s place in the UK Internal Market as well as giving Northern Ireland unique access to the EU single market. This represents real economic opportunity for Northern Ireland.
I was glad to see that Foreign Secretary Cameron and European Commission Executive Vice President Sefcovic recently spoke and reiterated their shared commitment to the full implementation of the Windsor Framework. The EU has warmly welcomed the restoration of political institutions in the North and underlined their importance in bringing long-term stability.
I know that the European Commission will continue to engage closely with the UK through the channels established by the Windsor Framework. I welcome that the members of the Northern Ireland Executive will be able to participate in those channels now too.
It remains critical that the Framework is implemented fully and in good faith so that we can protect and bolster cross-border trade links to the benefit of all parts of this, our shared island, and help Northern Ireland take full advantage of the extraordinary opportunity it now has.
A visible sign of this opportunity was the recent visit of Joe Kennedy III, the US Special Envoy to Northern Ireland just as the institutions were reforming. I was pleased to host him in Dublin during his visit. He is confident that Northern Ireland’s unparalleled market access, supported by the Windsor Framework, is a distinct attraction for international investors.
While Joe Kennedy is the Special Envoy, all in this House know the level of interest in Northern Ireland that permeates politics at all levels in the United States. I was in Washington D.C. last week and I am confident that that interest is as strong as ever. Our friends, on both sides of the aisle, want Northern Ireland to do well, want the island of Ireland to do well – and, as so often in the past, they stand ready to help.
When we work together, this island has so much potential. This is why, through the Shared Island Initiative that I established as Taoiseach, we are strengthening cross-border infrastructure and investing in innovation, research, and skills.
As a government we are putting significant resources into the Shared Island Initiative – one billion euro up to the end of this decade. We are supporting projects large and small which are focussed on bringing people together, investing in infrastructure, dialogue and innovation to better position this island for the years to come.
As we look to our future, we can usefully draw from past experiences. We know from our history that education plays a powerful role in driving economic and social progress which is sustainable and inclusive. That is part of the reason why the Shared Island Initiative will support ambitious new higher education provision in the North-West through Shared Island funding of €44.5 million for construction of a new teaching building at Ulster University’s campus in Derry.
We welcome the strong relationship that has developed between Ulster University and the new Atlantic Technological University, which has enormous potential for the North-West of this island.
My own department is administering the Shared Island Civic Society Fund to support cross-border civic society partners to work more effectively with one another on issues of common interest. I was extremely encouraged by the level of interest we received in the Shared Island Civic Society Fund this year – a clear expression that people and communities want to do more together to make this island an even better place.
We are supporting civic society organisations that work on an all-island basis, and creating space for dialogue and connections to develop. Indeed, the Shared Island Dialogues series has exceeded all expectations and is driving all-island engagement in a diverse range of sectors.
It is my strong belief that our Shared Island Initiative, and the philosophy and commitment underpinning it can play a meaningful role in advancing reconciliation on this island.
Ceann Comhairle, before I finish, I would like to give the House an update in relation to the question of legacy, which I know is a topic many of you have been following closely.
Since I last addressed this House on Northern Ireland, the government took the decision to initiate an inter-State case against the UK Government at the European Court of Human Rights in respect of the UK’s new Legacy Act.
I have been forthright and consistent in expressing fundamental concerns about this legislation’s impact on victims and its incompatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights since it was first introduced. I know these concerns are shared in this chamber.
I obviously regret that this is the space in which we find ourselves, and it is a situation that we did our best to avoid. However, the Act pushed through by the British Government in the face of almost universal opposition, fails to address the most fundamental concerns. The British Government shut down the political avenue – they refused to pause the legislation’s progress - and left us only with the legal path.
Although there has been extensive public commentary on the decision to initiate a case, further discussion belongs properly in the European Court of Human Rights. It is for the Court now to decide on the question of compliance with the Convention.
In the meantime, there are many other important issues on which we will continue to work closely with the British Government. Our relationship is too broad, too deep, too important, ever to be defined by a single issue. We have a duty of partnership in respect of our role as guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement to see it operate as effectively as possible across all of its strands.
The course of the seventh Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive will include challenges and opportunities as its leaders, supported in every way possible by this government, work together to make a meaningful difference for the people they represent, and move us closer to the future the Good Friday Agreement imagined.
On today, the feast of Saint Valentine, we should remember that the Good Friday Agreement has many admirers around the world, who look to Northern Ireland as an example of a society that has successfully moved past violent conflict. Much like true love, which we celebrate today, the path to a successful and prosperous post-conflict society is not one that always runs smoothly!
Patience, tenacity, good will, compromise, empathy and hope for the future are necessary ingredients, and are no longer, I hope, in such short supply.
Thank you Ceann Comhairle, and I look forward to hearing from Deputies their own views of recent events.
Go raibh maith agaibh.